I was in standard One at that time and my uncles used to say about this letter. They referred the incidents as sad ones. When I was in Form Six, I was told that the letter was banned by government, including the book written by Tun M, 'The Malay Dilemma''. But few months after Tun M become PM in 1981, the banned book was lifted and we rushed to find the book in Singapore. But because it was too expensive for people like us at that time, RM 20.00, only a friend could bought it and we shared the book later on. We found the book is good for reading and its a kind of historical events that happened during that time. But now its all history. That include this letter, which was lifted the banned many years after Malay Dilemma was lifted the banned. I read a thesis written by a USM lecturer about Tun M legacy and saw the letter for the first time. I did not know whether that the letter was banned or not at that time - 2003. But I appreciate the content and gave me satisfaction after reading it. Now I produced the letter in full for the benefit of my blog's readers. Cheers.
Batu 6, Titi Gajah,Alor Star,
17hb. Jun 1969
Y.T.M. Tunku,
Patek berasa dukachita kerana tujuan patek membuat kenyataan kepada
akhbar telah di-salah faham oleh Y.T.M. Tunku. Sa-benar-nya tujuan patek
sama-lah juga dengan tujuan Tunku, ia-itu untok menyelamatkan negara
ini daripada bahaya yang menganchamkan-nya.
Pendapat-pendapat
Tunku berasaskan kepada cherita-cherita yang di-bawa kepada telinga
Tunku oleh orang-orang yang mengelilingi Tunku yang chuma suka
mencherita kepada Tunku perkara2 yang mereka fikir Tunku suka atau patut
dengar sahaja. Benarkan-lah patek bercherita berkenaan dengan keadaan,
fikiran dan pendapat2 rakyat yang sa-benar-nya supaya Tunku dapat faham
tujuan patek membuat kenyataan yang di-tegor itu.
Tunku biasa
cherita kepada patek sendiri ia-itu Tunku mengelakkan rusohan dengan
menahan hukum bunoh yang di-jatohkan kepada 11 orang subversif China.
Sabenar-nya tindakan Tunku ini-lah yang mengakibatkan rusohan dan
kematian yang berpuloh kali banyak yang terjadi semenjak 13 Mei.
Tunku selalu "bertolak-ansor," ia-itu memberi kepada orang2 China apa
yang mereka tuntut. Punchak tolak-ansur ini ia-lah pembatalan hukum
bunoh tadi. Pembatalan ini menimbulkan kemarahan yang besar oleh orang2
Melayu.
Orang2 China pula menganggap Tunku dan Kerajaan Perikatan
sebagai pengechut dan lemah dan boleh di-tolak ke-sana ke-mari. Sebab
itu orang2 China tidak takut lagi menolak Perikatan dan orang2 Melayu
pula tidak ingin kepada Perikatan. Sebab itu orang2 China dan India
membuat kurang ajar pada 12 Mei kepada orang Melayu. Kalau Tunku biasa
di-ludah di-muka, di-maki dan di-tunjok kemaluan, boleh-lah Tunku faham
perasaan orang Melayu.
Orang2 Melayu yang Tunku fikir tidak
memberontak telah-pun menjadi gila dan mengamok sehingga mengorbankan
nyawa mereka dan membunoh orang yang mereka benchi kerana Tunku
terlangsong bagi muka. Tanggong-jawab tentang mati-nya orang2 ini, Islam
dan kafir, terpaksa di-letak di-atas bahu pemimpin yang salah pendapat.
Patek mohon ma’af tetapi patek ingin sampaikan perasaan orang-orang Melayu kepada Y.T.M. Tunku.
Sabenar-nya, orang2 Melayu sekarang, baik PAS baik Umno, betul2 benchi
pada Tunku, terutama orang2 yang di-hina-kan oleh orang China dan yang
kehilangan rumah-tangga, anak-pinak, saudara-mara kerana tolak ansur
Tunku.
Mereka kata Tunku chuma ingin di-kenal-kan sebagai "The
Happy Prime Minister" walau-pun ra’ayat menderita. Mereka tahu bahawa
dalam keadaan dharurat-pun Tunku ashek bermain poker dengan kawan2 China
Tunku. Budak2 polis mencherita yang Tunku mengguna-kan kenderaan dan
eskot Polis untuk menchari kaki poker.
Sa-balek-nya pula orang2
China tidak ada sedikit-pun hormat kepada Tunku. Mereka berkata Tunku
"naïve" dan tidak ada kaliber. Ada lagi yang mereka kata yang tak dapat
patek sebut-kan. Kata2 itu datang dari semua golongan orang China, dari
intelek sa-hinggga China becha. Pada masa lewat2 ini lagi satu kesan
burok telah timbul.
Orang2 Melayu dalam Civil Servis, dari Perm.
Sec. ka-bawah, pegawai2 tentera dan polis Melayu tidak ada lagi
kepercayaan dan respect kepada Tunku. Patek tahu kebanyakan mereka
sokong PAS dalam undi pos. Pegawai Melayu dari Polis, tentera dan askar
biasa maseh patoh kepada kerajaan oleh kerana arahan sekarang sesuai
dengan kehendak mereka sendiri. Kalau Tunku membuat apa2 yang tidak
di-ingini oleh mereka, patek perchaya mereka tidak akan menurut kata
Tunku.
Patek tahu Tunku takut kominis mengambil kesempatan kalau
timbul kekachauan dalam negeri. Patek lebih takut kalau kerajaan mula
"lose control over the armed forces". Sa-kali ini terjadi, keadaan tidak
akan puleh semula. Sampai bila-pun kerajaan civil mesti tundok kepada
tentera. Tunku biasa jadi "Happy Prime Minister" tetapi orang yang akan
turut ganti tak akan merasai "happiness" apa2.
Patek harap Y.T.M.
Tunku jangan-lah menipu diri dengan berkata "satu hari mereka akan
bershukor dengan perbuatan saya". Ta’akan yang sa-orang itu selalu betul
dan yang banyak selalu salah. Patek ingin sampaikan kepada Tunku
fikiran ra’ayat yang sa-benar, ia-itu masa telah lampau untuk Tunku
bersara dari menjadi perdana menteri dan Ketua Umno.
Patek faham
betul2 kuasa yang ada pada Tunku dan patek masih ingat nasib Aziz Ishak.
Tapi patek tak akan jadi sa-orang yang bertanggong-jawab kalau patek
tidak terangkan apa yang patek sebut-kan. Kalau di-penjara sa-kali-pun
patek terpaksa kata apa yang patek telah kata-kan.
Patek
di-beritahu ia-itu Tunku berkata patek Pakistani. Patek tidak perchaya
kata2 orang kerana patek tahu Y.T.M. Tunku tidak akan berkata begitu.
Patek-lah yang selalu mempertahan-kan Tunku apabila orang2 PAS kata yang
Tunku anak Siam yang ta’ berhak memimpin orang Melayu. Jadi Tunku juga
akan mempertahan-kan patek walau-pun maseh ada dua sudu darah Pakistani
dalam tubuh badan patek.
Patek sa-kali lagi mengulangkan ia-itu
kenyataan yang patek buat itu ia-lah menchegah kejadian yang akan
menambah perasaan benchi orang2 Melayu terhadap kerajaan dan
menggalak-kan orang2 China menjatohkan lagi maruah orang2 Melayu.
Rusohan yang lebeh besar akan berlaku jika ini di-biarkan. Tentera
sendiri tidak akan dapat di-kawal. Dan lagi kalau T.H. Tan dan dewan
orang China boleh membuat kenyataan, kenapa ketua2 Umno tidak boleh?
Patek menulis surat ini dengan hati yang ikhlas dan harapan bahawa
Y.T.M. Tunku akan bacha surat ini dengan sa-penoh-nya sendiri. Patek
berdo’a ke-hadhrat Allah subhanahuwataala supaya di-buka hati Tunku
untok menerima kenyataan yang sa-benar ini walau-pun pahit dan pedas.
Patek Yang Ikhlas,
(Dr. Mahather bin Muhammad)
Friday, June 27, 2014
Tuesday, June 17, 2014
Questions on our Institute of Higher Education Performance in challenging the mind-sets of our academicians
Yesterday I attended a Professorial Lecture by Prof Rosna Awang Hashim, former UUM TNC (A & A) entitled Reimagining 21st Century Higher Education in Malaysia: A Modest Proposal. I was impressed with her lecture and for the first time I attended this session till end. I was flabbergasted over her comments and proposal on how and what our own education system at universities should do but there are many questions too that lingered over our minds as this could be carried out effectively or not or just another rhetoric for academic purpose to fulfill her obligation in her professorship. So I posted an email to her an hour after the lecture. Please read.....
Salam Prof….
My
apology for writing this email as my first reaction of ur professorial lecture
today which I found it to be very educational, dynamic and realistic. This is
also for the first time that I attended the professorial lecture that I stayed
till the end of the session. A sign of significance lecture that I wish to
commend of ur excellent insight of what is happening in our higher education
system.
As
part of finding ur lectures to be very interesting and practical, there are
some major challenges that await the comments and suggestions proceeding to
questions of how reliable that this could be? As ur conclusion stated that the
2014 should challenge the liberation of the educational institution from the 20th
century chain of traditional and teaching practices, more questions and
perceptions of how this could be carried out being poured into the main stream
of our education system, and particular to u personally as this issue directly come
from u.
Most
probably the most basic but simple question being asked is about the quality of
our students to embark on ur comments and suggestions as whether they are up to
the standard and quality as being suggested? This could very much relate to our
school education system up to university level. We need to change desperately
but are they ready for that? That comes to the next question as whether the
lecturers too are ready for such challenge in campus, especially in changing
their mind-sets and styles of lectures. Are they being trained for that?
Based
on these simple-basic and reflective questions, there could be a strong
arguments about the mentality of our campus community as whether they too can
change the culture of change? U did mention about UIA on how good even till the
janitor or food stall sellers are well converse English, but that took them
years to cultivate to accept as part of UIA diversify community. How long could
UUM take that as challenge and change to how the UIA is now?
As
the challenges are taking long queue from other issues and to accept the
challenge as u wish for, what are the supports that the universities are to
receive from the campus community themselves? Judging from the long awaited
agendas that happened to transform our own education system nationwide, again
political agendas will always supersede the best interests of what being
perceived in your lecture today. That’s what I can foresee now. As much I adore
of what u prescribe, I feel pity of the pitfall that may happen to see the
reality of its success. Sorry to say that.
My
personal conclusion is all converged into one perspective that is the
acceptance of the campus community of what u delivered and later be executed by
us. I profoundly totally agreed with every word and sentence that u stressed as
I did that since coming to UUM. I understand the difficulties of what to make
our products (the students) quality to be acceptable in our market demands by
industries. But judging from the insight, I also foresee the major obstacles on
the mind-sets of our friends and the difficulties of gearing them to be what as
u wish for. I don’t see luthe hindrance of this to be fully successful as this
could be done with fully determination and discipline. But I foresee the
negative mind-sets that need to be polished and re-educate by all levels of our
beloved campus community. Can this be done? Goodluck and cheers.
Salam.
Sunday, June 8, 2014
Pensyarah Berkualiti.....Menurut Hemat Saya
I came across this article thru one of my emails few years back. The first time I read this article, it gave me great inspiration about be a lecturer and what as academicians we should do. Its very inspiring as she described that the great teachers inspire the students while the mediocre teachers tell the students. What a great different and its all come in yourself to change. Since the implementation of OBE at university levels, nothing much could be said on the change of mind-sets among our academic friends at universities villages. How inspiring if this could be as what it is written. May Allah swt bless us to be as such. Pls read:
Prof. Madya Dr. Aminah Ayob ialah Dekan, Pusat Pengajian Ilmu Pendidikan, Universiti SainsMalaysia , Pulau
Pinang. Bidang kepakaran beliau ialah Pendidikan Sains dalam pengkhususan
Kaedah Mengajar Biologi dengan tumpuan khusus pada Strategi Pembelajaran
Koperatif, Piaget dan Perkembangan Intelek Kanak- kanak. Beliau telah
menghasilkan banyak penulisan berasaskan penyelidikan yang tersiar dalam jurnal
tempatan dan luar negara. Dalam kegiatan ikhtisas, beliau merupakan Presiden,
Persatuan Sains dan Matematik, Pulau Pinang, dan Naib Presiden, Persatuan
Penyelidikan Pendidikan Malaysia (MERA).
Prof. Madya Dr. Aminah Ayob ialah Dekan, Pusat Pengajian Ilmu Pendidikan, Universiti Sains
Dalam isu pertama Diges Pendidik ini
saya diberi penghormatan untuk melahirkan pandangan saya tentang isu- isu dalam
pendidikan. Saya ingin menggunakan kesempatan ini untuk menyerlahkan pandangan
saya tentang peranan dan tanggungjawab pensyarah untuk direnungkan bersama.
Saya tujukan rencana ini khas untuk pensyarah di Pusat Pengajian Ilmu
Pendidikan, Universiti Sains Malaysia
khususnya, dan secara am kepada semua pendidik negara.
Terlebih dahulu, saya mengucapkan
setinggi- tinggi tahniah kepada sidang pengarang Diges Pendidik yang berjaya
menerbitkan keluaran pertamanya. Di samping menjalankan berbagai- bagai tugas
dan memikul tanggungjawab berat di pusat pengajian, mereka telah berjaya
membuktikan kemampuan untuk menghasilkan sebuah majalah yang diharap menjadi
saluran bagi menyebarkan ilmu dan wahana untuk mengembangkan potensi penulisan
dalam kalangan staf akademik pusat pengajian, dan warga pendidik yang lain.
Kelahiran majalah ini seharusnya dapat memberikan sedikit sebanyak sumbangan
dalam perkembangan budaya ilmu dan penyebaran ilmu pengetahuan dalam lingkungan
warga pendidik. Syabas!
Pendidik Cemerlang
Saya dedikasikan penulisan ini
kepada semua pensyarah di Pusat Pengajian Ilmu Pendidikan yang menjalankan
setiap tugas dan tanggungjawab dengan penuh dedikasi, beriltizam dan cemerlang.
Mereka merupakan staf akademik yang mempunyai minat yang tinggi terhadap
potensi pelajar dan sentiasa berusaha untuk mencari jalan bagi meninggikan mutu
pengajaran masing- masing. Sebagai pensyarah yang berjiwa besar, mereka
berusaha untuk menjayakan hasrat bagi melahirkan pendidik cemerlang yang bakal
mengharumkan nama bangsa dan negara. Pusat pengajian ini amat beruntung kerana
mempunyai staf akademik yang menunjukkan ciri profesional ketika melaksanakan
tugas, dan mengamalkan sifat saling menghormati rakan dalam profesion, umpama
sebuah keluarga yang harmoni dan bahagia.
Bekas Dekan pusat pengajian ini, YTM
Pror. Dato’ Dr. Tunku Ismail Md. Jewa pernah berkata, “One great teacher can make a profound influence on our lives, and it
is our responsiblilities here at PPIP to produce such teachers”. Memang
benar kata beliau, iaitu menjadi tanggungjawab setiap staf pendidik di pusat
pengajian ini untuk melahirkan pendidik cemerlang yang mampu menghasilkan anak
didik terbilang yang bakal memimpin bangsa dan negara. Rencana ini harus dapat
mencetus inspirasi kecemerlangan kepada semua pendidik, sama ada di sekolah
atau universiti, kerana kita ialah guru
yang berjiwa pendidik.
Tunduk Hormat Kepada Guru
Guru yang berinspirasi ialah guru
yang memahami psikologi, berteraskan ilmu, yakin dan memiliki jati diri. Guru
yang berjaya mempunyai sifat penyayang dan bertimbang rasa. Mereka umpama
pelukis yang cintakan keindahan dan kelembutan warna. Kecintaan mereka
ditumpukan untuk melahirkan karya peribadi melalui sentuhan halus dan indah.
Mereka mempunyai tujuan yang jelas. Kadangkala lagaknya serius, namun mereka senang
dengan apa yang terhasil … lukisan.
Guru yang agung umpama pelakon;
sentiasa tahu apakah peranannya di atas pentas; tahu bagaimana beraksi; dan
berkeyakinan untuk memberikan persembahan yang terbaik. Demikian juga, “The best teachers, like the best leaders,
they have an uncanny ability to step outside themselves and become liberating
forces in our lives”. Guru yang agung memudahcarakan perkembangan potensi
insan dalam diri pelajarnya, bukan setakat mengajar. Seperti kata cendekiawan, “A teacher’s major contribution sometimes
is not the subject taught but the model caught”. Guru ialah model bagi
pelajarnya. Guru sebagai acuan, jika cantik acuan, maka cantiklah kuihnya dan
sebaliknya. Seperti kata peribahasa Melayu, “Jika guru kencing berdiri, murid
kencing berlari”, “Jika lurus pemidang, luruslah pedang”. Hendaknya teladan
buruk ini tidak ditunjukkan di universiti atau di sekolah sehingga menjadi
ikutan pelajar. Oleh itu, guru dan pensyarah mestilah sentiasa sedar dan
berhati- hati dengan segala tindak- tanduk masing- masing.
Setengah- setengah perkara memang
dapat diajarkan, tetapi ada perkara yang mesti dipelajari melalui pengalaman.
Mengajar pada peringkat universiti ialah kualiti
yang mesti dipelajari dan kualiti ini tidak wujud secara semula jadi. Belajar
untuk jadi pensyarah yang baik ialah satu tugas yang mesti dilaksanakan di
sepanjang kerjaya, kerana “A great
teacher is never a finished product but rather is always in the process of
becoming”. Saya tidak mempunyai formula untuk mendefinisi pengajaran
berkesan, tetapi Eble (1983) telah menyenaraikan tujuh dosa yang sering
dilakukan oleh pensyarah universiti, iaitu “arrogance,
dullness, rigidity, insensitivity, vanity, self-indulgence, and hypocrisy”. Baginya,
untuk menjadi pensyarah yang berkesan, kita mesti mempunyai kualiti sebaliknya,
iaitu “humality, enthusiasm, flexibility,
sensitivity, compassion, discipline, and commitment”.
Pensyarah Yang berkualiti
Menurut hemat saya, pensyarah yang
berkualiti adalah seperti berikut:
Merupakan sarjana dalam subjek yang diajarkan
Pensyarah yang berkualiti mempunyai
pengetahuan yang mendalam dalam subjek yang diajarkan. Ini merupakan kriteria
pertama bagi seorang pensyarah – bukan saja dia mesti tahu subjeknya, tetapi “… to be exceptionally knowledgeable in the
subject area”. Tanggungjawab ini tidak pernah selesai kerana perkembangan
maklumat tidak pernah berhenti. Pengetahuan pensyarah haruslah sentiasa
terkini. Seseorang pensyarah haruslah selesa dengan topik yang hendak
diajarkannya dan boleh dianggap sarjana dalam bidang tersebut. Kriteria lain
tidak dapat mengganti kualiti seorang pensyarah, walaupun dia mempunyai
kebolehan- kebolehan atau daya penarik lain yang lebih hebat. Dia tidak mampu
menjadi pensyarah yang berkesan tanpa pengetahuan yang mendalam dalam subjek
yang diajarkan.
Pelajar berharap pensyarah dapat
menyampaikan maksud yang tersurat dan tersirat dalam buku- buku rujukan,
menunjukkan isi- isi penting dan maklumat- maklumat asas. Penguasaan
pengetahuan tentang subjek yang diajarkan tidak memadai, sebaliknya pensyarah
yang berkesan mempunyai kebolehan menyusun bahan- bahan pengajarannya supaya
mudah difahami.
Ketika mengajar, penting bagi kita
mengingatkan diri bahawa pelajar prasiswazah berbeza daripada pelajar siswazah.
Pensyarah yang baik menunjukkan sifat- sifat cintakan ilmu dalam bidangnya,
sangat ‘enthusiastic’ dengan perkara
yang diajarkan dan bersemangat mengajar sehingga dapat dikesan oleh pelajar. “A teacher can fool his colleagues or even
his boss, but he never fool his students. They know when he loves his subject
and when he does not” (Van Doren, 1964). Apa yang menyentuh perasaan dan
imaginasi pelajar- pelajar ialah “a
professor’s personal devotion to learning and truth”, kata Von Doren lagi.
Cubalah hayatilah kata- kata hikmat
yang berikut:
“
The mediocre teacher tells.
The
good teacher explains.
The
superior teacher demonstrates.
And
the great teacher inspires.”
Jika kita dapat mengambil teladan
daripada kata- kata hikmat tersebut, maka setiap orang akan menginsafi tentang
apa yang telah dilakukan di dalam bilik- bilik kuliah dan tutorial selama ini.
Merancang pengajarannya
Profesor Ungku Aziz, ketika menjadi
pensyarah di Universiti Malaya dianggap
sebagai “a gifted teacher-scholar”.
Beliau memulakan kursusnya dengan berbincang dengan pelajarnya tentang sukatan
pelajaran dan rangka khusus yang akan diajarkan, menyenaraikan soalan- soalan
yang akan ditanya dalam kuliah- kuliah beliau dan bahan- bahan bacaan yang
perlu dibaca dan digunakan oleh pelajar dalam tugasan dan projek mereka.
Seseorang pensyarah perlu membuat penyusunan yang teliti sebelum semester
bermula. Walaupun profesor Ungku Aziz merupakan sarjana dan pakar dalam
bidangnya, iaitu ekonomi, dia tidak akan dapat menyampaikan ilmunya dengan
sempurna tanpa membuat persediaan. Kadangkala dia tidak dapat turun ke tahap
kebolehan pelajar. Oleh itu, setiap pensyarah perlu merancang dan menyediakan
kuliah dan tugasan dengan baik. Ini bukan pula bererti kuliah atau tugasan itu
mesti tersusun sehingga tidak boleh diubah sama sekali kerana sifat keterlaluan
dalam mengorganisasi kuliah juga boleh menimbulkan masalah. Keadaan ini
menjadikan pensyarah bersifat “authoritarian”
dan “doctrinaire” yang
membantutkan cabaran untuk pelajar berfikir dan melahirkan idea.
Menyampaikan pelajaran dengan jelas
Pensyarah yang baik dapat
mengemukakan contoh- contoh yang konkrit bagi konsep- konsep yang diajarkan dan
menggunakan metafora atau parabel untuk menambah pemahaman pelajar. Pensyarah
yang efektif menyusun konsep- konsep yang diajarkan dalam bentuk peta konsep
yang mudah difahami hubungannya antara satu sama lain, mendefinisikan konsep
dengan jelas, menjawab pertanyaan pelajar dengan lengkap, dan tidak
mengelirukan pelajar dengan jargon dan istilah yang sukar. Pensyarah yang baik
menggunakan pelbagai teknik mengajar dan alat bantuan mengajar untuk menambah
kejelasan subjek yang dimaksudkan. Walau sebijak manapun seorang profesor itu,
dia tidak dapat diterima oleh pelajar jika dia tidak dapat menyampaikan
kuliahnya dengan jelas dan dapat difahami.
Mengenali pelajarnya
Pensyarah yang baik memahami
keperluan pelajarnya dan melayan pelajarnya dengan mesra. “Students understandably yearn to be treated as human beings instead of
product. How could they possibly like it when a stuffy, formal, pretentious
professor lectures on and on, wholly indifferent to them?” Sebab itulah
syarat pertama dalam ‘public speaking’
ialah “know the audience”.
Jika kelas yang diajar adalah kecil,
maka wajar bagi pensyarah mengenali setiap nama pelajarnya. Pensyarah juga
perlu menggalakkan pelajarnya saling mengenali antara satu sama lain. Saya
selalu memulakan tutorial dengan menyuruh pelajar mencari pasangan atau berada
dalam kumpulan kecil untuk menemu bual satu sama lain tentang aspek- aspek
bidang pengajian, minat akademik, latar belakang tempat asal, ekspektasi dalam
kursus yang diikuti dan seumpamanya supaya mereka dapat berkenalan antara satu
sama lain. Dengan itu, pelajar- pelajar mendapati diri mereka tidak terasing di
dalam kelas saya, sementara perasaan malu atau segan dapat dikikis kerana
mereka sudah saling mengenal dan bersedia untuk berbincang. Kelas tutorial saya
biasanya disusun dalam bentuk yang membolehkan interaksi bersemuka. Penyertaan
setiap individu dalam aktiviti di dalam kelas saya sangat penting.
Di universiti negara- negara barat,
pensyarahnya biasa makan bersama pelajar dan bergaul dikafeteria tanpa berasa
ada jurang perbezaan antara mereka. Budaya ini jarang diamalkan dalam kalangan
pensyarah di Malaysia .
Sungguhpun ada kemungkinan berlaku interaksi demikian, saya percaya interaksi
ini terbatas dengan pelajar- pelajar pasca siswazah sahaja. Renunglah kata-
kata ini, “… contacts between professors
and their students outside of the classroom are important, because they reveal
something to the student about reality that can be learned no other way. Such
contacts demonstrate that ideas are “embodied”, they do not exist apart from a
person… .” (Smith, 1990, hlm. 217).
Kebiasaannya pelajar tidak
menghubungi pensyarahnya selepas waktu pejabat, kecuali terdesak. Mereka
mungkin bimbang tindakan ini dianggap mengganggu atau dipandang serong dan
sebagainya. Pensyarah pula mungkin berasa janggal untuk mengadakan perhubungan
yang rapat dengan pelajar kerana bimbangkan kemungkinan pembabitan emosi dalam
perhubungan berkenaan. Namun, pensyarah yang baik perlu mengenali pelajarnya
sebagai individu.
Jika kita fikirkan sejenak kita akan
sedar bahawa setiap pelajar menghadapi banyak masalah dan cabaran. Mereka mesti
fikirkan masalah mendapatkan tempat tinggal di desasiswa, wang yang cukup untuk
belanja, masalah keluarga dan harapan ibu bapa, masalah dengan rakan sebilik,
teman dalam kumpulan projek, masalah bercinta, masalah persatuan, masalah itu
dan ini, di samping cuba untuk belajar 25 hingga 30 jam seminggu. Oleh itu,
satu cara meringankan beban pelajar ialah dengan mengenali dan memahami jiwa
dan masalah mereka, bersimpati serta ada rasa “compassion” terhadap pelajar. Inilah ciri- ciri pensyarah yang
sebenar.
Merupakan pendengar yang baik
Pensyarah yang baik lebih banyak
mendengar. Dengan sabar dia mendengar komen pelajar walaupun kadangkala
jawapannya tidak tepat atau bahasanya tidak teratur. “Compulsive lecturer” pula hanya ingin menyampaikan maklumat dan
tidak senang dengan tindakan pelajarnya mencelah ketika dia mengajar. Saya
percaya setiap pensyarah perlu melatih diri untuk mendengar dengan teliti dan sabar, bukan
hanya untuk 2 – 3 saat, tetapi antara 20 – 30 saat, untuk mendapat tindak balas
daripada pelajar selepas mengemukakan soalan. Pakar pendidik menamakan tempoh
ini sebagai “masa tunggu” kerana pelajar biasanya memerlukan soalan dan
berfikir sejenak sebelum menjawab.
Menurut Rogers (1961), “when we listen with understanding, we see
the expressed idea and attitude from the other person’s point of view, we sense
how it feels to him, and we reach his frame of reference in regard to the
things he is talking about!”
Menjadi mentor
Seorang
pensyarah yang bijak dan sensitif sentiasa berusaha menjadikan suasana
pembelajaran selesa kepada pelajar, tidak menjatuhkan air muka pelajar, dan
tidak menghina dan merendah-rendahkan pelajar. Perkara ini memang tidak harus
berlaku atau diterima dalam komuniti pengajian tinggi. Pensyarah juga perlu
menghormati pelajar dan sebaliknya. Kita tidak boleh memaksa pelajar
menghormati diri kita jika kita sendiri tidak menunjukkan kualiti-kualiti yang
patut dihormati. Dalam pembelajaran di universiti, pensyarah merupakan mentor.
Mereka perlu membimbing pelajar untuk membina ilmu dan cara-cara berfikir yang
matang dan profesional yang dapat diikuti oleh pelajar. Pensyarah yang baik
kerap kali dijadikan ‘role-model’ oleh
pelajar.
Tetapi, ada pensyarah yang
sebaliknya pula menjadi ‘reverse mentor’.
Mereka masuk ke kelas, terus memulakan syarahan, menulis pada papan tulis sambil
bercakap membelakangi pelajar dan sekali sekala berkata ‘okay’, ‘faham’, dan terus menulis sehinggalah kuliah berakhir. Ada yang terus membaca
bahan yang tertulis di atas transparensi tanpa berhenti sejenak untuk melihat
reaksi pelajar. Pelajar pula hanya menyalin semula yang tertulis pada papan
tulis atau transparensi dengan harapan akan membaca dan memahaminya kemudian.
Apa yang disalin, jika tidak kerana peperiksaan mungkin tidak akan dibaca oleh
pelajar kerana mereka tidak dapat memahaminya. Pensyarah begini adalah mentor
yang buruk, dibenci dan tidak disukai oleh pelajar. Maka mereka menjadi teladan
yang tidak baik kepada pelajar – tidak bersifat sebagai seorang intelek yang
berilmu dan dapat dicontohi.
Merangsang minda pelajar
Penyediaan suasana kuliah yang
positif oleh pensyarah dapat merangsang minda pelajar, di samping memberikan
keyakinan diri setelah menyedari potensi yang ada dalam diri masing-masing.
Pensyarah yang bijak dapat menunjukkan bukan sahaja apa yang perlu dipelajari,
tetapi cara dan proses pembelajaran. Pensyarah perlu membetulkan kesilapan
pemahaman pelajar. Ketika memeriksa kerja pelajar, pensyarah perlu memberikan
maklum balas tentang kesilapan pelajar supaya mereka mengetahui kesilapan
khusus yang dilakukan dan dapat membetulkannya.
Umumnya kita berasa lebih selesa
mengajar pelajar yang pintar. Sebaliknya, mengajar pelajar lemah memerlukan
banyak usaha dan kesungguhan daripada pensyarah. Kerapkali pelajar-pelajar
lemah dianggap malas, tidak berminat terhadap pelajaran dan lemah. Cabaran
sebenar bagi pensyarah ialah untuk mengajar pelajar-pelajar ini kerana
pensyarah yang berkesan dapat membuktikan hasil kerjanya berdasarkan kemajuan
yang dicapai oleh pelajar berkenaan.
Menyedari gaya pembelajaran pelajar
Pensyarah yang baik dapat mengenal
pasti gaya
pembelajaran pelajarnya. Setiap individu pensyarah mempunyai ideosinkrisi dan gaya mengajar sendiri.
Pelajar juga mempunyai gaya
belajar yang berbeza mengikut individu. Ada
yang belajar dengan mudah melalui kemahiran mendengar, ada yang memahami dengan
cepat melalui kemahiran melihat, dan ada pula yang belajar melalui aktiviti
praktikal untuk menguasai pelajaran. Demikian itu, setiap pensyarah perlulah
mengetahui gaya
belajar pelajar dan menggunakan strategi mengajar yang sesuai dan pelbagai
untuk menyampaikan pelajaran.
Menggalakkan penglibatan dan
mencabar pemikiran pelajar
Pensyarah yang baik sentiasa mencari
jalan supaya pelajarnya terlibat secara aktif dalam aktiviti pengajarannya.
Smith (1990) berkata “I came away from my
years of teaching on the college and university level with a conviction that
enactment, performance, dramatization are the most successful forms of
teaching. Student must be incorporated, made, so far as possible, an integral
part of the learning process”. Dia menggunakan pepatah lama iaitu: “I hear and I forget, I see and I remember,
I do and I understand’. Penglibatan pelajar dalam pembelajaran sangat
penting. Sudahkah kita memberikan peluang itu kepada pelajar? Selama
bertahun-tahun kita percaya pelajar hanya perlu menerima apa sahaja yang kita
sampaikan. Pernahkah kita mengajak pelajar untuk berbahas tentang sesuatu isu
yang berkaitan dengan subjek yang diajarkan, berdrama untuk mengaplikasikan
pengetahuan dan berdialog untuk mempertahankan hujah-hujahnya? Pernahkah
pelajar dipertanggungjawabkan untuk menyelidik dan mencari maklumat sendiri?
Solan-soalan ini menunjukkan kita perlu menginovasi kaedah pengajaran agar
proses pengajaran dan pembelajaran menjadi lebih mencabar.
Menulis jurnal khusus
Sebagai pensyarah, adakah kita
menulis jurnal atau diari bagi kursus yang dikendalikan? Tujuan penulisan
jurnal adalah untuk mengumpul komen dan reaksi pelajar tentang aktiviti kuliah,
tutorial, projek dan perbincangan yang diadakan dalam kursus berkenaan. Cara
ini membolehkan pensyarah mendapat maklum balas tentang semua aspek
pengajarannya daripada pelajar, termasuklah pelajar yang malu bercakap di dalam
kelas.
Dalam majalah Newsweek, 1990 (hlm. 64) dilaporkan tentang seorang profesor
bernama Marvin Druger, di University of
Syracuse yang mengajarkan kursus “Innovative
Introductory Biology” kepada 1000 orang pelajar dengan menggunakan pita
video dan buku kerja, selain teknik syarahan. Dalam kuliahnya, dia meniru lagak
Charles Darwin dan mengemukakan senario alam sekitar yang dia lihat di
sepanjang perjalanannya melalui rakaman video. Oleh kerana kelasnya mempunyai
bilangan pelajar yang terlalu besar, dia telah membuat keputusan untuk
menggunakan newsletter yang
diterbitkan tiap-tiap minggu supaya pelajar-pelajarnya dapat menulis idea-idea
daripada bahan rujukan yang diwajibkan.
Bagi menggalakkan pelajar terus berusaha, buah fikiran, pandangan dan kritikan
pelajar dalam newsletter itu
dijadikan bahan yang dipertandingkan. Idea yang terbaik diberikan markah
tertinggi. Selain itu, dia juga memberikan markah tambahan kepada pelajar yang
hadir untuk mendengar siri syarahan pada waktu sebelah malam (“Frontier of Science lecture Series”),
iaitu forum untuk ahli sains di universitinya. Melalui penggunaan ‘close-circuit TV’ yang dikendalikan
sendiri oleh pelajarnya, dia mengulang tayang rakaman untuk memberikan jawapan
bagi ujian / kuiz kursusnya.
Druger percaya sesuatu kursus itu
perlulah bermakna (meaningful), dapat
merangsang minat pelajar untuk mengikutinya, diperibadikan (personalized), dapat meluaskan pengetahuan, dan memberikan
pengalaman yang berkesan kepada pelajar. Yang penting baginya ialah, “to provide in-depth exposure that shows
students how interesting and exciting science is, so that they want to go and
learn it themselves”.
Mempunyai rangakaian / hubungan
dengan orang-orang yang signifikan kepada pelajar
Pensyarah yang baik membina
rangkaian hubungan dengan kolaborator lain seperti pensyarah kursus lain,
perpustakawan, juruteknik dan orang lain yang kadang-kadang diperlukan untuk
membantu pelajar dalam pelajaran dan projeknya. Orang ini terlibat dalam
pembelajaran pelajar dan mereka mungkin dapat membantu pelajar berkenaan
belajar dengan lebih berkesan. Demikian juga halnya dengan orang-orang yang
boleh menjadi penceramah jemputan bagi kursusnya. Semua ini akan membantu atau
merangsangkan pembelajaran pelajar dan menjadikan kursus itu lebih menarik.
Ketika menghadiri satu persidangan,
saya mendapat tahu bahawa University of
Texas, Austin, Amerika Syarikat menjalankan exit poll yang melibatkan pelajar tahun akhir. Pelajar-pelajar
berkenaan diminta untuk menuliskan nama tiga orang pensyarah yang paling baik
atau berkesan di sepanjang tempoh mereka belajar di universiti tersebut. Maklumat
daripada exit poll itu kemudiannya
digunakan dalam urusan kenaikan pangkat atau gaji pensyarah. Manakala di Harvard University
pula, pelajarnya membuat penilaian dengan menulis maklumat-maklumat sulit
tentang sesuatu kursus dan pensyarahnya. Hasil daripada maklum balas ini
menyebabkan ramai profesor terpaksa mereka bentuk semula atau melakukan
rombakan terhadap kursus masing-masing. Beberapa buah universiti lain meminta
pensyarah-pensyarah menyediakan portfolio pengajaran untuk tujuan kenaikan
pangkat dan gaji. Semua tindakan ini bertujuan untuk memastikan kualiti
pengajaran yang tinggi di universiti dipertahankan.
Mempunyai minat yang mendalam
Pensyarah yang berkesan juga perlu
mempunyai minat yang mendalam terhadap bidang atau kursus yang diajarkannya.
Mereka perlu mempunyai pengetahuan yang melampaui bidang penyelidikan atau
pengkhususan masing-masing. Sebagai pencinta ilmu, pensyarah perlu banyak
membaca, dan melibatkan diri dalam wacana intelektual dan majlis-majlis ilmu.
Adakah kita termasuk dalam kalangan akademik tersebut? Setiap pensyarah harus
mempunyai jawapan sendiri bagi persoalan ini.
Menjalankan penyelidikan
Bagi pensyarah universiti,
menjalankan penyelidikan merupakan satu daripada tugas utama. Dengan
menjalankan penyelidikan, pensyarah dapat mengemas kini ilmu masing-masing dan
menyumbang kepada perkembangan ilmu dan akademia. Penyelidikan juga merupakan
cara terbaik untuk melawan fenomena burnt-out.
Melalui persidangan atau seminar yang dihadiri, pensyarah dapat berkongsi hasil
penyelidikannya dengan rakan-rakan daripada bidang yang sama dan berpeluang
mengikuti perkembangan terbaharu yang merangsang diri masing-masing untuk
melakukan penyelidikan seterusnya. Tanpa kegiatan penyelidikan atau penyertaan
pada persidangan atau seminar akademik, akan menjadikan seseorang pensyarah itu
tertimbus dan tenggelam dalam dunianya sendiri. Dia tidak mengetahui tentang
perrkembangan yang berlaku di luar dunia kecilnya.
Penyelidikan mengambil banyak masa
pensyarah, selain tugas mengajar, memeriksa skrip, dan membimbing pelajar.
Tetapi jika kita dapat mengimbangi tugas penyelidikan dan pengajaran,
keuntungannya besar sekali kerana “scholarship
and research not only freshen and enliven the substance of teaching but also
set an example of the enquiring mind” (Cronin, 1999, hlm. 16).
Memiliki kebolehan berjenaka
Pensyarah yang baik menjalankan
tugasnya dengan serius, tetapi jenaka adalah baik untuk menghidupkan suasana
ikram ketika pengajaran dan perbincangan. Ramai pensyarah melaksanakan tugas
pengajaran dengan begitu serius sehingga suasana pengajaran dan pembelajaran
menjadi sangat formal. Suasana pengajaran dan pembelajaran patut diceriakan
dengan kebolehan pensyarah menyisipkan unsur jenaka dalam penyampaiannya, di
samping keriangan dan senyuman yang sentiasa menghiasi wajahnya. Jika pensyarah
itu berpendapat tugas pengajaran di universiti tidak menggembirakan, wajar
baginya mengambil cuti rehat (sabatikal) dan menggunakan masa berkenaan untuk
merenung tentang apa yang telah berlaku dan memutuskan apa yang terbaik bagi
dirinya.
Memiliki kebolehan menilai
pelajar
Pensyarah yang baik menyediakan
soalan-soalan peperiksaan dan tugasan yang menggalakkan pemikiran pelajar. Open-book exam merupakan satu cara yang
mencabar minda pelajar. Perancangan dan pelaksanaannya mungkin agak sukar,
tetapi hasilnya paling baik untuk pelajar. Pelajar universiti sebenarnya
mempunyai kebolehan dan keupayaan yang melebihi jangkaan kita. Yang penting
ialah pensyarah mesti percaya bahawa pelajar mampu menghadapi cabaran-cabaran
minda yang kita berikan. Ini merupakan cara terbaik untuk menghasilkan siswazah
yang berkualiti dan yang sesuai untuk menghadapi era k-ekonomi. Peperiksaan lisan juga merupakan satu cara lagi untuk
menguji kebolehan pelajar mengemukakan idea, tetapi jarang digunakan di
universiti ini. Sebenarnya, kepelbagaian teknik penilaian dapat mendorong
pelajar untuk mencapai kejayaan dalam kursus-kursus di universiti, di samping
dapat memperkayakan kualiti siswazah yang dihasilkan.
Daripada laporan yang dibuat oleh
Cronin (1999), seorang pensyarah di Duke University , iaitu Bruce Payne telah menggunakan
kaedah yang unik untuk menilai pelajarnya. Pada awal semester dia memberitahu
pelajarnya bahawa peperiksaan akhir bagi kursusnya akan diadakan pada tiap-tiap
minggu, bukan pada akhir kursus. Pada setiap hari Isnin dia memberikan sebanyak
15 soalan yang mencakupi bacaan bagi tajuk-tajuk yang akan diajarkan pada
minggu akan datang. Kemudian pada hari jumaat dia memulakan kelas dengan
mengemukakan soalan esei untuk dijawab dalam tempoh 15 hingga 20 minit tentang
topik yang telah dibincangkan dalam kuliah pada hari Isnin. Pelajar perlu
sentiasa bersedia dan memberikan tumpuan penuh pada pembelajaran dalam
kursusnya. Esei yang ditulis oleh pelajar ini ialah peperiksaan akhir bagi
kursus Payne. Bolehkah kita mencuba idea ini? Mampukah kita merancang kursus
sehingga kita pasti dapat memberikan yang terbaik kepada pelajar kita?
Penutup
Sebagai penutup, saya akhiri
penulisan saya ini dengan menyatakan bahawa pensyarah agung ialah pensyarah
yang cintakan ilmu, khususnya ilmu dalam subjek pengkhususannya. Dia
menyampaikan ilmunya dengan penuh minat dan bersemangat, sentiasa peka dengan
keperluan pelajar dan merasa bertuah kerana dapat mengajar di universiti.
Pensyarah agung melihat pengajaran sebagai satu tanggungjawab, bukan sekadar
tugas atau jawatan. Jawatankuasa Perancangan Akademik USM sejak beberapa tahun
dahulu cuba
mencari jalan bagaimana menilai dan mengukur pengajaran yang baik. Kita masih
kabur tentang kriteria pengajaran yang baik. Dapatkah kita mendefinisi ‘pengajaran
yang baik dan berkesan’? Adakah penunjuk-penunjuk khusus untuk merumuskan
apakah pengajaran yang baik? Namun, kita sedar bahawa untuk mengajar dengan
baik di universiti, seseorang itu perlu mempunyai komitmen yang tinggi,
berdedikasi dan sentiasa didorong oleh keinginan yang berterusan untuk
menyebarkan ilmu kepada pelajar. Penyebaran ilmu pada peringkat ini tidak
seharusnya berlaku dengan “menyuap”
segala-galanya ke mulut pelajar, tetapi memerlukan penggunaan kemahiran belajar
yang berkesan. Demikian itu, pensyarah perlulah membuat persediaan yang teliti,
menyediakan perancangan yang tersusun serta menggunakan strategi yang inovatif
bagi meransang minda pelajar untuk menimba ilmu. Bagi membolehkan mereka menimba
ilmu secara berdikari dan berkesan, pelajar perlu dilatih dengan kecekapan
mencari ilmu dan menggunakannya.
Pengajaran yang berkualiti sangat
penting di universiti. Pensyarah baik patut mendapat anugerah atau hadiah. Pengajaran
yang berkualiti turut memerlukan sistem sokongan yang cekap. Pengurusan
universiti perlu mensyaratkan kemahiran mengajar sebagai kriteria penting dalam
pengambilan pensyarah-pensyarah baru. Sepatutnya tiada tolak ansur tentangnya
kerana kualiti ini tidak wujud dengan sendiri. Pensyarah-pensyarah baru perlu
diberikan pendedahan tentang perkaedahan pengajaran kursusnya. Universiti yang
mengutamakan pengajaran berkesan ialah universiti yang dapat menyuburkan
penghayatan ilmu yang disebarkannya.
Akhir kata, “Great teaching never just happens”. Pencapaian matlamat ini
memerlukan pengorbanan, komitmen dan penilaian berterusan untuk penambahbaikan
dan peningkatan, baik bagi diri pensyarah sendiri, mahupun bagi universiti yang
tercinta ini.
RUJUKAN
Cronin,
T.E. (1999). Excellence In Teaching. Whiteman College
webpage.
Eble,
K.E. (1983). The
Aims of College Teaching. San Fransisco: Jossey-Bass
Leslie,
C. (1990). A
Class of Freshmen That May Last A Lifetime.
Newsweek, April, hlm. 64.
Smith,
P. (1990. Killing
The Spirit: Higher Education In America . New
York : Viking
Rogers,
C.R. (1961). On Becoming
A Person. Boston :
Houghton Mifflin
Van
Doren, M. (1964). The Good Teacher. Dalam
College and University Teaching, H.A. Estrin & D.M. Goode (eds.). Dubuque . IA.
Malay Dominance - Speech by TS Abdullah Ahmad in 1986 in Singapore
Pada 30 Ogos 1986, Tan Sri Abdullah
Ahmad, bekas ahli Parlimen Kok Lanas telah menyampaikan satu ucapan yang
bernada agak tegas dan begitu berterus terang di Institute of International Affairs, Singapura. Ucapan itu menimbulkan kontroversi kerana menggambarkan
politik Malaysia sebagai Malay
Dominance atau berasaskan penguasaan Melayu.
Gambaran ini menimbulkan reaksi yang dijangka terutama sekali dari kaum-kaum bukan Melayu. Sejak itu, gambaran Malay Dominance begitu kerap diguna hingga menjadi istilah. Ianya disalah terjemah menjadi Ketuanan Melayu.
Padahal istilah asal Ketuanan Melayu bermakna "tuan rumah" yang telah memberi warganegara kepada kaum imigren. Semasa perundingan untuk Merdeka, kuasa hakiki memberi kewarganegaraan dan untuk bersetuju untuk Merdeka dan sistem kenegaraan yang demokrasi terletak kepada kuasa raja-raja. Raja-raja adalah pemerintah yang berdaulat (sovereign ruler), manakala penjajah Inggeris hanya diberi kuasa mentadbir dan hanya salah satu pihak memberi persetujuan.
"Tuan" juga bermakna hormat dan bukan makna "tuan dan hamba" yang diperkatakan pemimpin-pemimpin parti-parti MCA dan Gerakan baru-baru ini. Makna sedemikian hanya timbul penggunaan semasa zaman "penjajahan Inggeris" yang mana pekerja dan rakyat Melayu memberi gelaran tuan kepada mereka.
Mutakhir ini, istilah Ketuanan Melayu disoal begitu terbuka oleh pelbagai pihak dan diambil peluang untuk modal politik oleh pelbagai parti politik, termasuk parti-parti politik berasaskan Melayu. Apabila Dato Mukhriz mengajak dihentikan retorik dan dicadangkan satu sistem persekolahan kebangsaan sebagai mengurangkan polarisasi kaum, reaksi mereka sungguh negatif sekali.
Ucapan Abdullah perlu dilihat kembali untuk memahami kembali konteks ucapannya. Pasti ramai yang tidak pernah membaca ucapan ini. Ucapan itu dipetik dari buku, "Malay Dominance?" (1987) karangan K Das dan disiarkan sepenuhnya untuk dikaji, dibahas dan dianalisa semula.
Adakah kecaman dan kesimpulan komentar terhadap ucapan itu selama ini adil? Selain istilah yang terlalu terus terang dan menimbulkan kontroversi, adakah gambaran realiti politik yang dibentangnya tiada kebenaran semasa itu? Keadaan mungkin sudah ada perubahan, adakah benar masyarakat Malaysia sekarang sudah berubah dan sedia mengetepikan politik perkauman dan pelbagai tuntutan-tuntutan benar-benar sifar perkauman? Ini adalah antara persoalan-persoalan yang mungkin timbul.
Ucapannya berikut:
Gambaran ini menimbulkan reaksi yang dijangka terutama sekali dari kaum-kaum bukan Melayu. Sejak itu, gambaran Malay Dominance begitu kerap diguna hingga menjadi istilah. Ianya disalah terjemah menjadi Ketuanan Melayu.
Padahal istilah asal Ketuanan Melayu bermakna "tuan rumah" yang telah memberi warganegara kepada kaum imigren. Semasa perundingan untuk Merdeka, kuasa hakiki memberi kewarganegaraan dan untuk bersetuju untuk Merdeka dan sistem kenegaraan yang demokrasi terletak kepada kuasa raja-raja. Raja-raja adalah pemerintah yang berdaulat (sovereign ruler), manakala penjajah Inggeris hanya diberi kuasa mentadbir dan hanya salah satu pihak memberi persetujuan.
"Tuan" juga bermakna hormat dan bukan makna "tuan dan hamba" yang diperkatakan pemimpin-pemimpin parti-parti MCA dan Gerakan baru-baru ini. Makna sedemikian hanya timbul penggunaan semasa zaman "penjajahan Inggeris" yang mana pekerja dan rakyat Melayu memberi gelaran tuan kepada mereka.
Mutakhir ini, istilah Ketuanan Melayu disoal begitu terbuka oleh pelbagai pihak dan diambil peluang untuk modal politik oleh pelbagai parti politik, termasuk parti-parti politik berasaskan Melayu. Apabila Dato Mukhriz mengajak dihentikan retorik dan dicadangkan satu sistem persekolahan kebangsaan sebagai mengurangkan polarisasi kaum, reaksi mereka sungguh negatif sekali.
Ucapan Abdullah perlu dilihat kembali untuk memahami kembali konteks ucapannya. Pasti ramai yang tidak pernah membaca ucapan ini. Ucapan itu dipetik dari buku, "Malay Dominance?" (1987) karangan K Das dan disiarkan sepenuhnya untuk dikaji, dibahas dan dianalisa semula.
Adakah kecaman dan kesimpulan komentar terhadap ucapan itu selama ini adil? Selain istilah yang terlalu terus terang dan menimbulkan kontroversi, adakah gambaran realiti politik yang dibentangnya tiada kebenaran semasa itu? Keadaan mungkin sudah ada perubahan, adakah benar masyarakat Malaysia sekarang sudah berubah dan sedia mengetepikan politik perkauman dan pelbagai tuntutan-tuntutan benar-benar sifar perkauman? Ini adalah antara persoalan-persoalan yang mungkin timbul.
Ucapannya berikut:
The major issues in Malaysian politics are as old as the hills and
really nothing to get so excited about - as long as one understands
the basic premises of the Malaysian political sytem correctly.
But there is this stubborn refusal to understand. Indeed, any problems in the politics of a developing countrry is always regarded as a matter of great moment, even if it is considered perfectly normal in the political life of a developed country.
Thus when it comes to a developed country the issue of race, for instance, instead of being presented in its stark reality is posited at some level or other of abstraction - like the problem of urban decay, of youth unemployement, of cultural alienation and so on.
We ourselves do the honours when we discuss the black and white racial problems of theUnited Kingdom or the US . But when it comes to, say Sri
Lanka, analyst explode into the dynamics of racial hate and conflict in an
island state gripped by fear and insecurity.
The solution always is power-sharing or even separation and participation, something never proposed for theUS or the UK where racial minorities have only
painstaking and grudging social amelioration, tokenism, to look forward to.
TakeSouth
Africe . Despite the lip service that has been paid to rejection
and abhorence of the apartheid system, White countriues like the UK and the US
have in fact been sustaining the system through their investments and trade and
their opposition to imposition of sanctions against the racist regime.
Meanwhile, the South African Black majority have been treated like dogs, have been incarcerated and exiled, have been murdered and bloodied. These White countries had better shut-up about their so-called concern for equality at home and abroad. Asians like us should not be taken in by White hypocrisy - the more so, because their so-called concern and care can so easily lead to the ruin of our countries.
While I do not want to raise your pulse rate just because we are discussing issues in Malaysian politics, I do not fear subjecting those issues to microscopic scrutiny because there is nothing to be afraid of. Indeed, at the end of it, I hope we would be better able to understand the significance of their issues and our role in ensuring they do not become rampant, destabilising. Yes, the role also ofSingapore and Singaporeans.
So, what are the issues in Malaysian politics? Without doubt the issue which is uppermost in the mind of the thinking public is that of race: of how far apart the Malays and non-Malays are - the Sino-Malay in particular.
All this talk of racial polarisation. Many talk about this problem - including those non-Malaysians who are not particularly concerned about the fate of my country. Indeed one cannot help feeling that their obsession with this problem has more to do with perpetuating rather than solving it.
What is the problem? Usually it is posited as one arising from a political system which affords a special position for the Malays - and therefore by extension, it is argued, relegates the non Malays to an inferior status.
The constitutional position of the Malays and the imperatives of the New Economic Policy (NEP) are seen as the twin terrors of the Malaysian political system from which the non-Malays suffer. In simple language, the Malays are sitting pretty and should be happy and the non-Malays are fearful and, if they are not, should be aroused.
The main problem about this problem is that those who make it into an issue make premises and take positions without any references to Malaysian history in which is rooted the present political system. They are idealistic and nihilistic, sometimes exclusively.
The logical conclusion of their position is the up-rooting of the Malaysian system - surely as destabilising and destructive an end as can be imagined. And this is the result of so-called concern for the stability of the system founded on Malay political dominance!
Let us make no mistake - the political system inMalaysia
is founded on Malay dominance. That is the
premise from which we should start. The Malays
must be politically dominant in Malaysia
as the Chinese are politically dominant in Singapore .
There will not be another Tan Cheng Lock in Malaysia just as no Indian in Singapore can hope to advance in Singapore any further than Mr Rajaratnam did - and he too advanced only as far as he did and no more. The position of the Malays, as Ismail Kassim will no doubt agree, is even more backward.
The political system of Malay dominance was born out of a sacrosanct sosial contract which preceeded national independence. There have been moves to question, to set aside and to violate this contract that have threatened the stability of the system.
The May 1969 riots arose out of the challenge to the system agreed upon, out of the non fulfillment of the substance of the contract.
The NEP is the programme, after those riots in 1969, to fulfill the promises of the contract in 1957. But now we are beginning to have questions about the political system all over again, this time under the guise of the implementation of the NEP.
It would seem those who wish to overturn the system think that this kind of vicarious, hidden attack on the political system would fool the Malays; but they had better think again.
You must not forget that if the Malays are pushed to the wall they would react. When what happened on May 13 is evoked it is dismissed as a ruse to resurrect the ghost of 1969. But what happened then is no matter for poltergeists: it was a bitter reality. Let us not forget that. In the Malaysian political system the Malay position must be preserved and Malay expectations must be met.
There is thus no two ways about it: the NEP must continue to sustain Malay dominance in the political system in line with the contract of 1957. Even after 1990, there must be mechanisms of preservation, protection, and expansion in an evolving system.
Mind you, as in any contract, there are rights that accue to both sides. The non-Malays obtained the rights of citizenship with the system of Malay political dominance.
They accepted these rights with alacrity and are enjoying them to the full - indeed to an extent greater than nominally "equal" political systems like theUnited Kingdom
or the United States .
They are politically represented most vigorously. They own property without
hindrance or threat. They move about in complete freedom. They can join any
club, enter any bar or hotel.
There are those who contended that the new generation Chinese are not bound by the age-old contract. If this is so, neither are the new generation Malays, many of whom find the present system wanting and want something else altogether or want better performance of the system for the Malays.
If it is contended that the non-Malays are second class, then so are the Malays for being poor in their own country. If it is contended the non Malays are second class because they cannot hope to hold the powerful portfolios and Ministries in govenment, then the Malays and Indians inSingapore
are also second class.
Ours is not a system of discrimination but of Malay preservation which foreigners particularly refuse to understand. Ours is a system of Malay political dominance but not, as is often put across, of Malay political domination.
The non-Malays can have their own schools, if they so want, their language, culture and religion. They have so many organisations that voice and represent their interests. They are quite capable of effecting change - as in obtaining agreement for the amendment of the Education act. Inded, one State in Malaysia has even been recognised as a de facto Chinese State.
All this has been made possible because the Malays - through UMNO - have met their side of the bargain. Without UMNO, as presently constituted, the future for the non-Malays would be bleak indeed.
In the general election early this month, UMNO decisively displayed its strength as the force of Malay moderation, beating back the challenge of Malay religious extremism. Did the non-Malay, particularly Chinese parties in the Barisan Nasional deliver? Not only did they not deliver, they compounded it by making NEP the scapegoat for their feeble performance.
It is most dangerous to make an issue of the policy most fundamental to the stability of the political system. What is worse, they are using it to deflect attention from the internal squabbles and personal mismanagement which have reduced the MCA to something approaching a shambles.
It is not only too true that UMNO too has its internal problems, but it has shown itself once again to be quite capable of uniting to win an election most decisively. Let not the magnitude of the achievement by UMNO under Dr Mahathir's leadership be underestimated because of the admittedly huge problem posed to the MCA (and Gerakan) by the urban Chinese voters.
But what does UMNO get for its pains? Attempts to cut the ground from under its feet by challenging the policy of the Government (in which all the major races are represented) intended also to meet obligations to the Malays.
UMNO pushed back the forces of religious extremism among the Malays to sustain the dominance of accomodative politics in multiracial Malaysia. But if UMNO is pushed into a position of having to fight to ensure the system of Malay political dominance because of incessant attacks on it, the character of UMNO leadership and its moderating influence could very well change.
We have to ask ourselves if we want to deal with a different kind of Malay from the one who dominate the political system now. That different Malay will no longer have any kind of English educational affiliation but will be thoroughly Malay. He will no longer be secular in outlook but theorcratic. He will be not just Islamic but Islamic a la Iran.
That is a different creed altogether, the way they dress, their manner of salutation, what they think of non-Muslims. I invited Professor Chan Heng Chee just before election to Kok Lanas in Kelantan and she saw examples from Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. And they are nothing compared to the new PAS people!
If we paused to think of the meaning of this we will be grateful for the system that we have. We must do everything in our pwoer to ensure that it does not happen. Indeed, we should be striving hard to make the present system work and to make the present system stronger.
Neighbouring states such as Singapore, with its intertwined history, have an important role to play in moderating Malaysian Chinese assertion. Singapore must not put itself up as the alternative and viable Chinese dominant system in the Malay sea through formal or informal and individual channels.
Singapore must make it clear that the present Malaysian political system is the only system there can be instead of allowing Malaysian Chinese to hold out for the hope of something else as was campaigned for when Singapore was part of Malaysia. Singapore can do a lot more to allay that ghost.
The Malay obsession with political dominance is conditioned in no small measure by what has happened to the Malay minority in Singapore. Malaysia will not now interfere in the internal affairs of Singapore to give hope to the Malays.
At the same time Singapore must not hold out any hope for the Chinese for a different system in Malaysia. The position Singapore takes will affect us, and if the Malays feel further threatened, they might even consider a merger with Indonesia.
I know they are many Malays who have been telling me they would rather share poverty with Indonesia than see their political position eroded. If that happened, we will have a different ball game again in the regional politics of South-East Asia.
In this connection, we will perhaps reflect on how and why Indonesian and Filipino illegal immigrants became an issue in Malaysia. Although the illegal immigrants are now the subject of considerable disdain and displeasure, we should perhaps ask ourselves how they got there in such numbers in the first place.
We should further ask ourselves if they would have been exposed to the current displeasure without the severe downturn in the economy, if the people concerned were not such rock-bottom quality that they caused social and criminal problems. In other words, the problem of illegal Indonesian and Filipino immigrants may not have become an issue at all.
Insofar as the Chinese in Malaysia are concerned, the MCA particularly must be doing all it can to explain and to strengthen the NEP instead of undermining it. They must make very clear the place of the Chinese in the Malaysian political system. They must underline its benefits. They must represent the Chinese as effectively as they can within that context.
Let them remind the Chinese that the NEP does not rob them but only apportions, in a growing environment, stakes in the economy so as to guarantee the stability from which they can further enjoy the fruits of the rich resources of Malaysia.
Even in that appointment, if we take the corporate sector, the Chinese entitlement is 40 percent which is more than the 30 per cent allocated for the Malays - which is disproportionate in terms of the racial composition of the country and which certainly makes a nonsence of the allegation of total Malay domination. There is enough for all to enjoy as long as the system stays in place. It would not stay in place if, at every turn, it is going to be questioned, even demeaned.
After the recent election, further aspersions have been cast at the system, including the assertion that it is not democratic. One complainant is the rural weightage in constituency delineation - as if it is unique to Malaysia and, of course, again bringing up the racial dimension in constituency composition.
This, off course, occurs everywhere, including in the United States where urban constituencies such as New York have 300,000 voters while rural constituencies such as in Iowa have only 36,000 voters. In Singapore too, I can quote examples of glaring disparaties in the population size of constituencies.
As for the racial composition of rural constituencyes against urban ones, that is just how people are rooted in our country. Mind you, we do not limit or control population migration in any way. But, as everywhere else, economic opportunities determine concentration of population. Those who wish to ensure weightage of votes at the cost of economic benefit can by all means move into the rural areas.
Then again there have been calls for a strong opposition, even the sense of disappointment that such strong opposition did not materialise. Let us think again. A strong opposition? From which party? PAS and the DAP? One a religious extremist party which does not accept the present system and the other a racial chauvanist party which also does not accept the present system.
Do those who make such calls realise what they are saying? Alas, they include former leaders who should know better. Former Prime Minister Hussein Onn, for instance, has discovered a new love for the opposition whom he did not tolerate when he was in power. It is, off course easy to take such positions when you are out of power, but your true colurs are to be seen when you are right in power.
How can anyone be the exemplar of tolerance for the opposition when he puts so many people away because he accepted no challenge? I should know because I was one of those put away on the trumped-up charges of being a crypto-Communist or was it pro-Communist?
Do you realise that in Hussein's time there were as many as 600-800 in detention and that now there are not only about 30 or so hard-core Communists inside? Strong opposition indeed!
I call, therefore, for a true understanding of the Malaysian political system before we run riot over the issues in the politics of my country.
I call for a sense of perspective before we are taken in by apparent appeals to liberal good sense. Most of all, to Singaporeans, I call for acceptance of the Malaysian political system as I have described it.
Let not Singapore be the harbinger of Chinese irredentist tendencies. I say to all - the Chinese in Malaysia and to Singaporean - don't play with fire.
But there is this stubborn refusal to understand. Indeed, any problems in the politics of a developing countrry is always regarded as a matter of great moment, even if it is considered perfectly normal in the political life of a developed country.
Thus when it comes to a developed country the issue of race, for instance, instead of being presented in its stark reality is posited at some level or other of abstraction - like the problem of urban decay, of youth unemployement, of cultural alienation and so on.
We ourselves do the honours when we discuss the black and white racial problems of the
The solution always is power-sharing or even separation and participation, something never proposed for the
Take
Meanwhile, the South African Black majority have been treated like dogs, have been incarcerated and exiled, have been murdered and bloodied. These White countries had better shut-up about their so-called concern for equality at home and abroad. Asians like us should not be taken in by White hypocrisy - the more so, because their so-called concern and care can so easily lead to the ruin of our countries.
While I do not want to raise your pulse rate just because we are discussing issues in Malaysian politics, I do not fear subjecting those issues to microscopic scrutiny because there is nothing to be afraid of. Indeed, at the end of it, I hope we would be better able to understand the significance of their issues and our role in ensuring they do not become rampant, destabilising. Yes, the role also of
So, what are the issues in Malaysian politics? Without doubt the issue which is uppermost in the mind of the thinking public is that of race: of how far apart the Malays and non-Malays are - the Sino-Malay in particular.
All this talk of racial polarisation. Many talk about this problem - including those non-Malaysians who are not particularly concerned about the fate of my country. Indeed one cannot help feeling that their obsession with this problem has more to do with perpetuating rather than solving it.
What is the problem? Usually it is posited as one arising from a political system which affords a special position for the Malays - and therefore by extension, it is argued, relegates the non Malays to an inferior status.
The constitutional position of the Malays and the imperatives of the New Economic Policy (NEP) are seen as the twin terrors of the Malaysian political system from which the non-Malays suffer. In simple language, the Malays are sitting pretty and should be happy and the non-Malays are fearful and, if they are not, should be aroused.
The main problem about this problem is that those who make it into an issue make premises and take positions without any references to Malaysian history in which is rooted the present political system. They are idealistic and nihilistic, sometimes exclusively.
The logical conclusion of their position is the up-rooting of the Malaysian system - surely as destabilising and destructive an end as can be imagined. And this is the result of so-called concern for the stability of the system founded on Malay political dominance!
Let us make no mistake - the political system in
There will not be another Tan Cheng Lock in Malaysia just as no Indian in Singapore can hope to advance in Singapore any further than Mr Rajaratnam did - and he too advanced only as far as he did and no more. The position of the Malays, as Ismail Kassim will no doubt agree, is even more backward.
The political system of Malay dominance was born out of a sacrosanct sosial contract which preceeded national independence. There have been moves to question, to set aside and to violate this contract that have threatened the stability of the system.
The May 1969 riots arose out of the challenge to the system agreed upon, out of the non fulfillment of the substance of the contract.
The NEP is the programme, after those riots in 1969, to fulfill the promises of the contract in 1957. But now we are beginning to have questions about the political system all over again, this time under the guise of the implementation of the NEP.
It would seem those who wish to overturn the system think that this kind of vicarious, hidden attack on the political system would fool the Malays; but they had better think again.
You must not forget that if the Malays are pushed to the wall they would react. When what happened on May 13 is evoked it is dismissed as a ruse to resurrect the ghost of 1969. But what happened then is no matter for poltergeists: it was a bitter reality. Let us not forget that. In the Malaysian political system the Malay position must be preserved and Malay expectations must be met.
There is thus no two ways about it: the NEP must continue to sustain Malay dominance in the political system in line with the contract of 1957. Even after 1990, there must be mechanisms of preservation, protection, and expansion in an evolving system.
Mind you, as in any contract, there are rights that accue to both sides. The non-Malays obtained the rights of citizenship with the system of Malay political dominance.
They accepted these rights with alacrity and are enjoying them to the full - indeed to an extent greater than nominally "equal" political systems like the
There are those who contended that the new generation Chinese are not bound by the age-old contract. If this is so, neither are the new generation Malays, many of whom find the present system wanting and want something else altogether or want better performance of the system for the Malays.
If it is contended that the non-Malays are second class, then so are the Malays for being poor in their own country. If it is contended the non Malays are second class because they cannot hope to hold the powerful portfolios and Ministries in govenment, then the Malays and Indians in
Ours is not a system of discrimination but of Malay preservation which foreigners particularly refuse to understand. Ours is a system of Malay political dominance but not, as is often put across, of Malay political domination.
The non-Malays can have their own schools, if they so want, their language, culture and religion. They have so many organisations that voice and represent their interests. They are quite capable of effecting change - as in obtaining agreement for the amendment of the Education act. Inded, one State in Malaysia has even been recognised as a de facto Chinese State.
All this has been made possible because the Malays - through UMNO - have met their side of the bargain. Without UMNO, as presently constituted, the future for the non-Malays would be bleak indeed.
In the general election early this month, UMNO decisively displayed its strength as the force of Malay moderation, beating back the challenge of Malay religious extremism. Did the non-Malay, particularly Chinese parties in the Barisan Nasional deliver? Not only did they not deliver, they compounded it by making NEP the scapegoat for their feeble performance.
It is most dangerous to make an issue of the policy most fundamental to the stability of the political system. What is worse, they are using it to deflect attention from the internal squabbles and personal mismanagement which have reduced the MCA to something approaching a shambles.
It is not only too true that UMNO too has its internal problems, but it has shown itself once again to be quite capable of uniting to win an election most decisively. Let not the magnitude of the achievement by UMNO under Dr Mahathir's leadership be underestimated because of the admittedly huge problem posed to the MCA (and Gerakan) by the urban Chinese voters.
But what does UMNO get for its pains? Attempts to cut the ground from under its feet by challenging the policy of the Government (in which all the major races are represented) intended also to meet obligations to the Malays.
UMNO pushed back the forces of religious extremism among the Malays to sustain the dominance of accomodative politics in multiracial Malaysia. But if UMNO is pushed into a position of having to fight to ensure the system of Malay political dominance because of incessant attacks on it, the character of UMNO leadership and its moderating influence could very well change.
We have to ask ourselves if we want to deal with a different kind of Malay from the one who dominate the political system now. That different Malay will no longer have any kind of English educational affiliation but will be thoroughly Malay. He will no longer be secular in outlook but theorcratic. He will be not just Islamic but Islamic a la Iran.
That is a different creed altogether, the way they dress, their manner of salutation, what they think of non-Muslims. I invited Professor Chan Heng Chee just before election to Kok Lanas in Kelantan and she saw examples from Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. And they are nothing compared to the new PAS people!
If we paused to think of the meaning of this we will be grateful for the system that we have. We must do everything in our pwoer to ensure that it does not happen. Indeed, we should be striving hard to make the present system work and to make the present system stronger.
Neighbouring states such as Singapore, with its intertwined history, have an important role to play in moderating Malaysian Chinese assertion. Singapore must not put itself up as the alternative and viable Chinese dominant system in the Malay sea through formal or informal and individual channels.
Singapore must make it clear that the present Malaysian political system is the only system there can be instead of allowing Malaysian Chinese to hold out for the hope of something else as was campaigned for when Singapore was part of Malaysia. Singapore can do a lot more to allay that ghost.
The Malay obsession with political dominance is conditioned in no small measure by what has happened to the Malay minority in Singapore. Malaysia will not now interfere in the internal affairs of Singapore to give hope to the Malays.
At the same time Singapore must not hold out any hope for the Chinese for a different system in Malaysia. The position Singapore takes will affect us, and if the Malays feel further threatened, they might even consider a merger with Indonesia.
I know they are many Malays who have been telling me they would rather share poverty with Indonesia than see their political position eroded. If that happened, we will have a different ball game again in the regional politics of South-East Asia.
In this connection, we will perhaps reflect on how and why Indonesian and Filipino illegal immigrants became an issue in Malaysia. Although the illegal immigrants are now the subject of considerable disdain and displeasure, we should perhaps ask ourselves how they got there in such numbers in the first place.
We should further ask ourselves if they would have been exposed to the current displeasure without the severe downturn in the economy, if the people concerned were not such rock-bottom quality that they caused social and criminal problems. In other words, the problem of illegal Indonesian and Filipino immigrants may not have become an issue at all.
Insofar as the Chinese in Malaysia are concerned, the MCA particularly must be doing all it can to explain and to strengthen the NEP instead of undermining it. They must make very clear the place of the Chinese in the Malaysian political system. They must underline its benefits. They must represent the Chinese as effectively as they can within that context.
Let them remind the Chinese that the NEP does not rob them but only apportions, in a growing environment, stakes in the economy so as to guarantee the stability from which they can further enjoy the fruits of the rich resources of Malaysia.
Even in that appointment, if we take the corporate sector, the Chinese entitlement is 40 percent which is more than the 30 per cent allocated for the Malays - which is disproportionate in terms of the racial composition of the country and which certainly makes a nonsence of the allegation of total Malay domination. There is enough for all to enjoy as long as the system stays in place. It would not stay in place if, at every turn, it is going to be questioned, even demeaned.
After the recent election, further aspersions have been cast at the system, including the assertion that it is not democratic. One complainant is the rural weightage in constituency delineation - as if it is unique to Malaysia and, of course, again bringing up the racial dimension in constituency composition.
This, off course, occurs everywhere, including in the United States where urban constituencies such as New York have 300,000 voters while rural constituencies such as in Iowa have only 36,000 voters. In Singapore too, I can quote examples of glaring disparaties in the population size of constituencies.
As for the racial composition of rural constituencyes against urban ones, that is just how people are rooted in our country. Mind you, we do not limit or control population migration in any way. But, as everywhere else, economic opportunities determine concentration of population. Those who wish to ensure weightage of votes at the cost of economic benefit can by all means move into the rural areas.
Then again there have been calls for a strong opposition, even the sense of disappointment that such strong opposition did not materialise. Let us think again. A strong opposition? From which party? PAS and the DAP? One a religious extremist party which does not accept the present system and the other a racial chauvanist party which also does not accept the present system.
Do those who make such calls realise what they are saying? Alas, they include former leaders who should know better. Former Prime Minister Hussein Onn, for instance, has discovered a new love for the opposition whom he did not tolerate when he was in power. It is, off course easy to take such positions when you are out of power, but your true colurs are to be seen when you are right in power.
How can anyone be the exemplar of tolerance for the opposition when he puts so many people away because he accepted no challenge? I should know because I was one of those put away on the trumped-up charges of being a crypto-Communist or was it pro-Communist?
Do you realise that in Hussein's time there were as many as 600-800 in detention and that now there are not only about 30 or so hard-core Communists inside? Strong opposition indeed!
I call, therefore, for a true understanding of the Malaysian political system before we run riot over the issues in the politics of my country.
I call for a sense of perspective before we are taken in by apparent appeals to liberal good sense. Most of all, to Singaporeans, I call for acceptance of the Malaysian political system as I have described it.
Let not Singapore be the harbinger of Chinese irredentist tendencies. I say to all - the Chinese in Malaysia and to Singaporean - don't play with fire.
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